The web home of professional digital marketer, content creator, and communications expert Matt Sammon
Book Reviews
While I single-handedly can't save the world from the downward spiral of social media content, I can try to make my social media followers' experience a little more pleasant by virtually opening up my personal library to them. My hope is by sharing what I am reading, I may inspire other to read books-- any books. Picking up a physical book provides a much-needed break from the constant strain on our eyes, brains, and emotions. I also make it a point to share books I have bought at local libraries or my favorite book selling app, Thriftbooks.
I started doing this around 2018 on Twitter, and then moved it over to Facebook after I sunset my Twitter account in 2022. With Facebook reducing fact-checking beginning in 2025, I will be sharing more here on my website.
The Latest Reads

After a lengthy read about the serious discussion of Reconstruction, I needed a much lighter in subject matter and size read, and I definitely found it with Michael Kassel’s dissertation on WKRP in Cincinnati. We recently watched the entire series on DVD, thanks to Shout Factory which painstakingly got the music rights to a lot of the songs used in the show for a more authentic first-run feel.
The book has only about 125 pages of narrative with a brief synopsis of each episode in the back. Since I watched the whole series, I was able to breeze through that part after enjoying the first half of the book. Kassel’s book does read more like a major term paper which is a little unusual, and he is admittingly a bit of a fanboy which comes through in some passages but thankfully doesn’t ooze out in the telling of the series. What really makes this an enjoyable read is Kassel’s source material-- most of it from first-hand interviews he did with the actors around 1990. The original series had been off the air for about ten years, the ill-fated reboot was in syndication, and a lot of the memories were still fresh. Given how some of the prime actors as well as series creator Hugh Wilson have since passed, the original source information is really special. The stories are told from the heart, and not in the schmaltzy E! True Hollywood Story style we’ve grown accustomed to. Assembled in 1993, this book is worth the hunt and few extra dollars spent to track it down since it has been out of print for a long time.
Kassel’s retelling covers everything from Wilson’s peripheral experience with Atlanta radio personalities and execs, the idea of the show, and the mad dash to get the pilot cast and produced on a shoestring budget. He covers the ups and downs of the program, and dives deep into the effect of the numerous time slot changes (and the subsequent low ratings), as well as some other potential distractions like political interference from CBS. Kassel also devotes quite a bit of time in sharing how the show managed to cover some difficult topics while developing characters such as Venus Flytrap and Bailey Quarters beyond the usual sitcom stock support cast.
Of course the best way to enjoy the show is to watch all 90 episodes (and physical DVDs are so cheap now), but this book is a great companion for providing the backstory to a show that became a cult classic and continues to relate to broadcast pros nearly 50 years later.
Previous Reads

I remember sometime around the 2020 election, there was quite a bit of talk comparing the 2020 election to the 1860 election, implying of course that this was somehow a replay of the days before the Civil War. While history does have a fat back beat, it doesn’t truly repeat itself. If it did, the gambling industry would be churning through bets on exactly when the next past event would predictably cycle through again, and again in the following cycle of events. But while the discussion was going on regarding 1860 vs. 2020, I at least entertained the idea of what if we were not heading into the next Civil War, but the next Reconstruction. What if the first Trump presidency was the nation-splitting event, and the early 2020s was the nation’s attempt to move forward on complex social issues? Would the nation succeed into a progressive movement? Or would it somehow falter like the Reconstruction era did?
Roughly 160 years after it occurred, discussions on Reconstruction have essentially been watered down to a) President Andrew Johnson didn’t really want Reconstruction as he was appeasing his Southern ties, and b) any hope of Reconstruction working was forever dashed by a back room deal by Republicans to make Rutherford B. Hayes president following the contested 1876 election. While those elements are part of the Reconstruction story, there is a whole lot more involved. And like any other historical era, it’s extremely complicated. Yet there are lessons to be learned as the event won’t happen again in a precisely-timed cyclical fashion, but there are signs that the nation is once again going through these types of motions. The question now is does the nation follow a similar path post-1877, or is it better than that… or worse?
Eric Foner’s 600-plus page analysis published in 1988 manages to reset the conversation to a more historically accurate recounting of the nation from 1863-1877. Foner does an excellent job of telling the story of Reconstruction without falling into the trap of hindsight, which is easy for a historian to do. With attention to detail as well as context from the times, he leads with the facts of The Emancipation Proclamation as the starting agent of Reconstruction. As the focus of the war shifts from reconnecting the Union to Union + the end of slavery, Foner works through the timeline of Presidential Reconstruction under Johnson as the Southern economic and social order was turned on its head, Republican Reconstruction after Johnson’s efforts failed, a stretch of near egalitarianism between the races in the late 1860s and early 1870s, and the intense blowback from Southern Democrats helped in part by increasingly feckless Northerners (of all parties) which resulted in a reversal of fortunes in the mid 1870s.
By 1872, the Democrats started winning back offices both locally and nationally while crafting “The Lost Cause” narrative. The Panic of 1873 set in, caused in large part by investors and municipalities cashing in on the new business of the national railroad. With the overstretched financial commitments to the railroad causing economic pain across the nation, doubts were being sown on how important Reconstruction really was. It led to a Democratic wave in 1874, and the contested 1876 presidential election between the lackluster Hayes and the rich and powerful governor of New York, Samuel TIlden. During this crescendo to the nation’s centennial, outright theft at the ballot box occurred in precincts for local and national elections through opaque laws and intimidation. Local lawmakers openly defied laws and court orders, even staging state-level insurrections. And an unofficial police force called the Ku Klux wreaked havoc throughout the south. Oh, don’t forget to mix in several incredibly audacious decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court. At the center of all of this, was the white hot fire of unadulterated male white supremacy.
It’s important when looking back at Reconstruction, and looking at the challenges of the nation since and especially today, to acknowledge the part that male white supremacy plays in our nation’s history. It’s not a popular topic to openly discuss in many quarters, and in certain political establishments, but to stick one’s fingers in the ears and scream, “LA LA LA LA LA LA LA LA LA!” doesn’t make the truth go away. The same can be said for the erasing of election laws, oppressing public education particularly at the university level, or systematically removing people and their history from the military if they are Black, Hispanic, female, or queer. The common ingredient that allowed slavery to be legal for much of our nation in the 18th and 19th centuries, and caused a massive blowback to progress for Blacks, women, and immigrants during and immediately after Reconstruction, and why we currently have nationalized troops “liberating” Los Angeles and soon other major metropolitan cities is the same thing-- the white hot fire of unadulterated male white supremacy. Acknowledging its past effects, and what that white hot fire is doing today, is key to not only understanding our nation’s past but the challenges we face today and in the future.
Consider today, starting with the chaos of the nation in 2020-- a nation locked indoors by the COVID pandemic, sharply divided by a contested election (although in reality the results weren’t close), and a nation generally tired of four years of Donald Trump. Change was made via the ballot box, and while Democrats made great strides in 2021-22 to move the nation forward, the party just couldn’t find it within itself to maintain that progress. This was caused by the curious resistance of members of congress like Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema, an aging and too comfortable leadership corp at the DNC, as well as a general squishiness by party leaders to assume everything bad was in the rearview mirror. Quite the contrary, as a lack of immediate consequences for the January 6th insurrection allowed the new “Lost Cause” to be communicated the moment Kevin McCarthy kissed the ring at Mar-a-Lago just days after the Joe Biden presidency began. The original “Lost Cause” was spread by yellow journalism in penny newspapers, while the new version quickly went around the world on the internet.
The white hot fire of male white supremacy, which had been blazing once again since the re-election of Barack Obama in 2012 (after all, even the white supremacists could chalk up the 2008 win as a fluke), was on full blast as militias of unloved white men grabbed their guns and practiced a little “pew pew” in the rural regions of the nation. Inflation skyrocketed in 2022, and despite coming down with a strong labor market in 2023-24, many Americans were seeing a different reality as they found it hard to pay the bills. This wasn’t the antebellum planter class losing its workforce and economic structure, but it was a vast majority of voters feeling like they had lost the economic and class war. Clearly change had to happen, or so they believed, and change was the previous president who miraculously avoided prison in four scandals during his time out of office. Disastrous Supreme Court decision whittled down individual rights, and the new administration even put Reconstruction’s 14th amendment in the crosshairs, which Foner presciently noted even in the 1870s it was causing problems with interpretation thanks to the lawmakers’ vague language when writing the law.
And there’s still the unseen consequences of today’s activities and decisions, that could easily make you feel in 1870-something all over again. The Ku Klux have traded in their white robes and horses for ID-free tactical gear and pickup trucks. “ICE” sounds so much cooler, literally and figuratively, than “KKK” does. One has to wonder if crypto, the housing crisis, or more likely the burning of billions of dollars in cash all in the name of the AI race will soon be the equivalent of overextension on railroad investments that causes a giant financial crash. There’s certainly no shortage of robber barons, a new gilded age, when looking at billionaire tech bros now and comparing them to titans of industry then. And of course, at the center of it all, is the white hot fire of unadulterated male white supremacy.
Reading Foner’s book helps clarify a lot of the Reconstruction events, and the causal effects of seemingly smaller events at that time, in why Reconstruction ultimately didn’t work. There were structural flaws, and personnel flaws, but in the end a lot of white Americans north and south just weren’t up to the opportunity. Much like people today have memory-holed a lot of what has happened in this country over the past 15-20 years, it’s easy to see how by the mid 1870s enough people shrugged their shoulders and decided a facsimile of the previous status quo (oppression, but without the awkwardness of slavery!) was just fine with them. It took about 90 years for the country to again offer equal rights through the law to Blacks, women, and other minority groups. It’s been about 60 years since that era, and it doesn’t take much to see how the pendulum could be swinging back towards another long stretch of 60+ years with reduced rights and restricted freedom to all Americans. As you read the book, you become enriched with the history of the past, but you shake your head reading too much tied to the present and the future.
Although this is an older book, and a bit of a read at 600 pages, it is a must-read for Americans today. As I mentioned it not only helps reset what really happened during Reconstruction, it helps paint part of the picture of today. It’s not a mere repeating of history, but it is a warning sign and a reminder that a series of seemingly unconnected events and people can alter the course of history for the worse despite the best of intentions at first.

Jerry Coleman was a solid infielder. Not spectacular, but an all-star and rookie of the year candidate who was a key cog in the Yankees' dynasty of 1949-53. Historically on the same level of dependable infielders such as Craig Grebeck, Miguel Cairo, and Tom Herr, Coleman’s peak as a player came in 1950 with his career-best .287 batting average and MVP honors in the Yankees’ 1950 World Series sweep of the Phillies. While he would go on to greater fame as the long-time voice of the San Diego Padres from 1972-2013, his greatest gift to society was his two tours of duty as a Marine pilot seeing battle in both World War II and the Korean War. In fact, he was the only Major League player to partake in air combat in both wars (Ted Williams only saw combat in Korea, as the navy decided he was better served as an all-star ballplayer and a replacement pilot during WWII in part because he was the sole survivor for his mother). Despite all of these wonderful accolades for the late Coleman, co-author and likely primary author Richard Goldsetin (the author and journalist, not The Village Voice executive editor) mails in this rather bland recounting of a spectacular life and by all accounts amazing human being.
Written in 2008, this has all the feeling of Goldstein convincing Coleman a book should be written about his life. Goldstein had previously written books about World War II and baseball intertwining, so this seems natural. Coleman, like many of the “silent generation”, was not one to brag about his life’s experiences. Yet with Coleman’s induction into the Baseball Hall of Fame in 2005 as a broadcaster, you can pretty much put two and two together. The result is a short book that lacks a lot of details of Coleman’s 40+ years with the Padres, including his one season of managing the team. Coleman was too professional to name names as to the players that gave him an ulcer, but a quick scan of the August 1980 transactions for the Padres will give you enough clues. There’s some good conversation about his time with the Yankees, and his war service, but again the “aww shucks” persona of Coleman leaves much to the imagination. I don’t shame Coleman, that’s how he was, it’s just that he probably wasn’t the best subject for an authorized autobiography simply because he was reluctant to share his story.
While the book is short on details and pages, at times it seems long as Coleman (or again, Goldstein) repeats facts ad nauseum-- at least three or four times we’re reminded Mickey Mantle probably wasn’t an alcoholic until after his playing career. There’s an entire chapter written by Coleman’s second wife complaining about how busy Coleman was and how difficult that made their family life. While those of us who worked in sports can relate, it seems like a throw-in to get the book past 200 pages. The final chapter is your typical old man “baseball isn’t like it used to be” pissing and moaning, which is why I don’t read any of Joe Garigiola’s books. Add a heaping topping of Goldstein filling in the gaps with mini lectures on both wars, and you end up with a depressingly dry book that should be a keeper but will end up getting sold back to Thriftbooks or donated to my nearest Goodwill.
That’s a shame, because Coleman is a war hero who really was living the American dream. He was an excellent ballplayer, he helped raise presumably wonderful children, and more than a decade after his passing he is still very much beloved in San Diego.

Another gem from NPR’s Morning Edition co-host Steve Inskeep, author of Jacksonland which I recently read. Having also recently read David M. Potter’s The Impending Crisis, I was able to have a pretty clear picture in my head of what was going on at the time of John C. Fremont’s rapid rise to social and political fame.
Fremont’s rise was very much started by his ability to heavily leverage a marriage to the daughter of a well-known senator, Thomas Hart Benton. After getting hitched to a (very) young Jessie Benton, Fremont was able to curry favor with Benton through military channels, allowing him to be one of the first explorers of the western territories while mapping the area for the government.
Fremont was, to put it simply, very stubborn yet driven to get things done his way. This meant while forging a pass through to the west coast in the winter of 1843-44, Fremont faced death constantly despite trying to go through impassable mountain terrain. Yet Fremont forged ahead, despite being warned by the natives that it wasn’t best to climb mountain passes in the winter, losing men and horses aplenty along the way. He managed to break through, which then opened a chance for him to lead a small military charge into the new Alta California region which was still in the hands of the Mexicans. While the war with Mexico was continuing in 1846, Fremont cruised into San Francisco Bay (naming the inlet the “golden gate”) and eventually took possession of California from Mexico with very little resistance. Fremont was suddenly the unelected governor of California territory, and he fell in love with the place, staking claim to land that ultimately ended up in the middle of gold prospecting in 1848-49.
But Fremont was caught up in a number of affairs, some his own making and others out of his hand. In his own making, his stubbornness came back to burn him as he clashed with the army over who was actually in charge of the territory (and this and the ensuing court-martial would come back to haunt him many years later). Out of his control, the sudden American acquisition of California added fire to the quickly igniting blaze of American sectionalism. With Texas now part of America, adding a slave state to the map, the addition of a large swath of territory that could be slave or free added anxiety to the nation during the Compromise of 1850, and soon after by the Kansas-Nebraska act. Inskeep does a great job of working through the complexities at the time, including Fremont’s anti-slavery but not necessarily pro-civil rights stance (a common stance at the time), as well as Benton’s attempt to remain in public office as an anti-slavery Democrat. That was a nearly impossible task in Benton’s Missouri in the early 1850s as the cultural shifts were happening under his feet, while Benton refused to switch to the emerging party that was anti-slavery, the Republicans.
Fremont also got caught up in politics, becoming the first national Republican presidential candidate, in part because he had less of a public record to run on where primary opponents Salmon P. Chase or William Seward were so anti-slavery they could easily be painted as extremists. Fremont fell well short of eventual winner James Buchanon though, as the Republicans in 1856 had no chance at winning a southern state, and Fremont’s attempt to be anti-slavery while also holding nativists opinions against immigrants backfired spectacularly. Southern Democrats and former Whigs not sold on the direction of the new Republican party drove a wedge into the party by claiming Fremont was a Catholic (which he wasn’t) and he had become financially secure while claiming California in part because immigrants had mined gold on his property while taking a fair cut from their work (which was true). Rather than vociferously deny the allegations, Fremont sat back, and he was insulated by Jessie from bad news and opinions to avoid shattering his fragile ego. Undercutting everything else, was the new technology of the telegraph, which helped spread news (and lies) coast-to-coast. Reading the details of the 1856 election does reverberate to current times, just substitute social media for the telegraph and you can almost see history repeating in front of you.
The one drawback from the book is there wasn’t enough time devoted to the Fremonts after the election. While Inskeep touches on some highlights, and lowlights including the couple being destitute for much of the rest of their lives, I guess a lesson could be learned that the once rising star of the 1840s and 1850s quickly burned out in the public eye after 1856. Although Fremont has mostly disappeared from the American public’s collective memory, he was very influential in mapping and settling the west while the attention was on Texas and land along the Mississippi River. His failed presidential run could be equated to other failed yet influential runs at the office such as Barry Goldwater’s in 1964. Jessie also played a part, albeit on the periphery, elevating women’s rights and political activity to a national level even though it would be 80 years before women nationally got the vote.
Despite the lack of an additional 20-30 pages of the couple’s last years, spent mostly apart from each other, this is an informative read that will help fill some of the gaps of anyone’s pre-Civil War education.

The Washington Senators (first edition) were so terrible for the final 25 or so years of their experience, and they were dwarfed in ineptitude by their expansion replacement from 1961-71, the club is mostly shoved in the back of the baseball history storage unit. Yet there was a stretch of about 10 years from the mid 1920s through the mid 1930s where the Senators were a contender and even a world champion. Damn Senators covers the Senators rise to the 1924 World Series championship, allegedly centered around the author’s grandfather, Joe Judge.
I say allegedly because even though the book is positioned around Joe Judge’s experience, the book mostly features the occasional mention of his grandfather through second-hand accounts. That’s because Joe Judge died about 18 months before grandson Mark was born. While the grandfather was mentioned here and there, Mark Judge does a pretty good job at describing the ascent of the Senators (actually known more affectionately as the “Nationals” in the day) from second division tenant to champion. While Joe Judge is occasionally dropped in, there’s plenty of coverage of Walter Johnson, the thrilling game 7 of the 1924 World Series, and how important the team was to the predominantly Black neighborhood around Griffith Stadium. So Joe Judge is a bit of an afterthought to the main story, but Mark Judge did a remarkable job of pulling together newspaper accounts of the team’s history prior to the long-term flatlining the team went through before moving to Minnesota.
An aside on the author, if the name Mark Judge rings a bell it may be because of the Brett Kavanaugh hearings in 2018. Judge was identified as a 3rd party in the room when Kavanaugh allegedly sexually assaulted Christine Blasey Ford 30 years earlier. While Judge denied any association with the situation, his other written works about growing up as a teenage alcoholic, and writing a book about his experience during the hearings titled The Devil's Triangle: Mark Judge vs the New American Stasi doesn’t bode too well for his reputation.
Regardless of the author’s background, the grandfather who doesn’t play much of a role in the book does require a little bit of respect. Judge played 20 years in the majors, 18 with the Senators. His prime days were well before the Major League All-Star game, yet he racked up more than 2300 hits and had a career fielding percentage at first of .993. He also batted .385 in the 1924 World Series, and finished 3rd in the 1928 AL MVP balloting. Baseball-reference doesn’t show him similar anywhere in his career to a Hall of Famer, but he’s right up there with borderline HOF-worthy players like Mickey Vernon and Keith Hernandez. So even though Judge isn’t a prominent character in this book, he certainly played a key part in the Senators’ rise and eventual championship.
This is a quick and easy read that is also informative, and most importantly it fills a gap in baseball literature that often overlooks the first major league club in the district.

Is the United States heading to a civil war?
Honestly I can’t say. Honestly, you can’t say. Anyone who says they know what’s happening next in this country doesn’t really know what’s happening next. Whatever it is, it's likely not good, and that observation is backed up by this must-read The Impending Crisis, America Before the Civil War 1846-1861 by David M. Potter. Potter passed away five years before this book was published, but thankfully it was completed by Don Fehrenbacher and later earned a Pulitzer Prize.
There are many lessons one can learn from reading this book. One of the most important things to pull from this study is the long arc to chaos. That seems ironic given the daily chaos of today’s times, but often the start of a catastrophic national event takes years if not decades to form. While the book focuses on the years 1846 - 1861, with the key starting event identified as the Wilmot Proviso, it is pretty clear that the origins of the civil war can arguably (convincingly) be traced back to the Missouri Compromise of 1820. One could also argue that it actually stretches even further back to the Slave Trade Act of 1807 (which ended the African slade trade), but the point is the origins of the start of the civil war start well before most people give credit to. It was well before the bombardment of Fort Sumter, the raid of the Harpers Ferry arsenal by John Brown, and numerous other events.
The Missouri Compromise seemed like a good idea at the time-- slavery would be banned from states north of the 36’ 30 parallel while it was still accepted in the rural south. The thinking behind this was slavery would eventually just go away, especially with the slave trade over. Yet the unplanned came to reality, as the nation continued to spread westward. Territories in the western portion of the Louisiana purchase, as well as the recently conquered Texas and “new” Mexico territory, created the opportunity for slavery expansion even if the logistics of it didn’t make sense. Following the Wilmot Proviso which was introduced in 1846 (and thus starts this book), legislators and even the executive branch continuously went back to the merits of the 1820 compromise, which often temporarily kicked the can of the issue of slavery until the next crisis came up. As another crisis popped up, and they tended to do so more frequently in the 1850s, simply leaning on the agreement from more than 30 years prior wasn’t enough to actually address the issue. Adding to this issue was the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 which negated the compromise, followed by the Dred Scott Supreme Court decision in 1857. The road to civil war sped up very quickly after 1854, yet the pavement was laid 24 years prior.
Another lesson learned is that not everything is as it seems, both past and present. First in the present tense, we are often told the Kansas-Nebraska Act was a battle strictly of abolitionsists and pro-slavery proponents fighting for the inclusion or exclusion of slavery north of 36’ 30. While that is somewhat true, Potter provides evidence it was mostly a battle of pro-slavery southerners and pro-real estate northerners keen on having a national coast-to-coast railroad run through their section of the country. Having slavery approved in this region wasn’t necessarily a moral sin, as it was a bad look for a business opportunity. Much like the Missouri Compromise didn’t really solve the slavery issue, relying on people to eventually give up the notion of slavery, the Kansas-Nebraska Act also left the decision to the territorial settlers through popular sovereignty. Again a good idea in theory, but it became a major problem rife with ballot box stuffing and other more severe chicanery by squatters looking to take control of the territory’s legislative and executive powers (which they briefly did). On top of all of this, the abolitionist fire in the northeast was stoked by over-the-top press reports about what was really happening in the territories. In terms of the past tense, Potter does a wonderful job of framing these events to help the reader try to understand how things may have appeared at the time, as historians often fall into 20/20 hindsight. Without any mass media to alert people of what was going on, very few people had a grasp as to the slow-motion peril the nation really was in. Fast forward to today, and a mass media that is more interested in clicks and celebrity news (HOW DID GENE HACKMAN DIE?!?!?!?!?!?!?!?!?) not to mention monetizing division and foreign propaganda, and once again you have a majority of the population that has no clue how the Constitution is in the shredder.
It’s all downhill from there with the Dred Scott decision and the raid on Harpers Ferry (which served mostly to freak out southerners who were already on edge about potential slave revolts), yet there is a common theme among all of this history that people can relate to today. Time and time again the hostilities could have been calmed down somewhat had somebody in congress had actually done something about it. And that’s not just national hostilities, but also within the halls of congress as names were called and congressmen were physically beating each other up while in session. Most jarring was the timing of Southern secession, which at first wasn’t a guaranteed thing yet it rapidly sped up in the winter of 1860-61 while very few people in power did anything to stop it. This includes the much-maligned James Buchanan, who does get a little break by Potter, but he is still largely to blame for the botched Lecompton Constitution of 1857 and his lame duck action (or lack thereof) prior to Abraham Lincoln’s inauguration in 1861.
So to review, a mix of well-intentioned but generally weak laws, controversial laws that overrode the previous weak laws, appalling Supreme Court decisions, feckless elected officials, a tense national election, sectionalism, and a surprise event or two that lights the tinder box, and you have a civil war. A perfect storm that came to head a good 40 years after the clouds started forming. How does this compare to today? You can take your pick of all of the above and you’ll find something that fits each category. Add foreign financial influence, social media malevolence, and one party in a two-party system that is clearly not devoted to true constitutional illiberalism, and it’s very likely the final product is not very good.
Is it a civil war on the horizon? It’s hard to tell. Is it a catastrophic era of civil and political destruction? That book likely won’t be written for another 80 years, and none of us will be around to read it. Whether there is a United States of America then is less certain.
This book is a must read, as it will clearly show you how a series of seemingly random events can coalesce into something tragic over a long period of time, and seem like it all just happened in a matter of moments.

I moved this one up in the queue shortly after John Feinstein passed away earlier this year. I remember when he would fill in for Jim Rome on his radio show, it wasn’t the usual blowhard fill-in for Rome. This guy had a pretty good way of handling callers, guests, and having an entertaining show which even Rome didn’t have every day.
One read of this particular book though, reminds you of why Feinstein was such a beloved writer. Minor league baseball players don’t often get covered well in print. Whether it’s the irreverence of the stories behind Dirk Hayhurst’s The Bullpen Gospels or the skull-crushing boredom as written by Lucas Mann in Class A: Baseball in the Middle of Everywhere (seriously, don’t waste your time with that dreck), most minor league baseball books focus on the hopelessness of playing in the minor leagues. And yes, there is some hopelessness when you’re working your way up to the big leagues, but Feinstein does an incredible job of painting hope for every main character in this book.
Feinstein visited several International League teams in the summer of 2012, zeroing in on a wide range of characters including players battling their way up, former big leaguers desperately trying to get back into the bigs, managers (including the awesome Charlie Montoyo), and even an umpire. Feinstein does something that the other books attempt but don’t always connect properly-- he makes each character a human the reader can relate to, even though you’re most likely not a professional athlete. By presenting a human and relatable side to everyone, the reader can easily root for every major character as well as those who make a cameo appearance. When a player gets called up to the bigs, you feel the excitement. When a player gets waived or cut, you feel the sadness or anger. Since this book follows characters from 13 years ago, you will look them up on Google to see what happened to them since. That's how well Feinsetin told their stories-- regardless of how far these players made it, you want to know how they're doing today.
So with that said, my only knock on this book is the title is misleading. Some of these people you do know their names, such as the aforementioned Montoyo as well as Scott Elarton, Nate McLouth, Scott Podsednik, and Brett Tomko. Thanks to Feinstein’s work here, you know more players who otherwise would have passed through the annals of baseball history like a wisp of dust blown off the diamond because the player only managed a handful of games in his MLB career.
One last thing this book does extremely well is convey the crisis that every professional athlete has regardless of his or her chosen sport-- a career that often ends around the age of 30. The pros who play 15, 20, even sometimes 25 years are few and far between. While MLB doesn’t have a salary cap, the same situation happens in capped leagues such as the NBA, NFL, and NHL; top prospects and superstars get the big contracts, while everyone else makes up “the middle class” that fights with the next round of upcoming prospects to stay in the big leagues. Whether it’s an injury, ineffectiveness, or just getting lost in a numbers game, practically every professional athlete is going to have to ask if they’re “washed up” around the age of 30. Then comes the next question-- what’s next? I’ve seen it first hand in my years working in the NHL, or even before then lucking out with my baseball show co-host Fred McGriff shortly after he left the game. You may have some of the most talented, even champion-calibre athletes who don’t know what to do with themselves when most of the rest of society is hitting its career stride around the age of 40.
The stories shared here, and if you look up how the people have done since this book was published, are valuable reminders of how hard it is to get to the major league level. It’s even harder to stay at that level for a long time. And it’s even harder still to find a dignified and empowering exit strategy for when that time comes. It's a time that is often a transaction on a website or social media press release that is cold and impersonal. Even if you’re not a huge baseball fan, you’ll find yourself rooting for everyone here, and that even includes the umpire. Highly recommended summer reading.

I don’t recall ever flying on Eastern Airlines, but I vividly recall my grandparents flying Eastern every time they came down to Tampa from New York. My memories of Eastern therefore are pretty good, as I remember seeing the blue and white or silver and blue Eastern jets parking at the old Airside B at Tampa International Airport throughout the 1980s. Back in those pre-9/11 days, you could actually meet your family at the gate at the airport, and Eastern took up at least 90% of the gates at the terminal. I vaguely recall Eastern being in a lot of financial trouble in the early 90s, and then one day the airline went away. So when I saw this book at Thriftbooks, I snapped it up to see the how and why the airline that once proudly proclaimed to be the “wings of man” went belly up. Unfortunately this wasn’t the best book to find out all of the answers.
I had my suspicions when I saw the book was published in 1992. “Uh oh…”, I thought. This was a reactionary book, given that Eastern went adios in 1991. Sure enough, author Jack E. Robinson was an Eastern and Texas Air insider who definitely had an axe to grind (and as to why I’ll get to in a moment). A lot of this book was clearly written to show the world how Robinson would have done things differently and presumably better, and we can assume he was doing this to tell other businesses that he could run the business better than Eastern was run. That effort didn’t exactly work out in real life though. Robinson would become the president of Florida Air in 1992, an intrastate airline that failed pretty much right out of the gate. He struck it rich when he sold a cellular company in the Caribbean, then he funded several losing political campaigns that were sullied by accusations of drunk driving, sexual assault, and failure to pay some big ticket purchases. Ironically that would earn him points in today’s Republican party, but Robinson died in 2017.
The pros of this book include Robinson’s “in the room” proximity to some of the key decision makers at Texas Air and Eastern in the final years of the airline’s existence. While Robinson leans too much into his personal biases (especially against Eastern’s mechanical union leader, Charlie Bryan) there is a lot of detailed information on how Eastern was really in trouble years before Frank Lorenzo’s union-busting leadership, and Eastern’s multiple attempts (with the help of a sympathetic bankruptcy judge) to stay alive before its liquidation in 1991. Robinson does cover Frank Borman’s poor judgement, Lorenzo biting off more than he could chew, and how Eastern did have some good ideas under court-appointed trustee Martin Shugrue before impatient creditors botched several last-minute deals.
But what outweighs the pros are the cons of Robinson always claiming to have the right answers, as well as a full chapter (and the post-script) revolving around the failed purchase of Eastern Commuter line Bar Harbor Airlines to Robinson and his investors. The Bar Harbor story is supposed to be a microcosm of Eastern’s bungling business operations, but it’s mostly just Robinson belly-aching about not getting control of Bar Harbor before Eastern folded. Knowing how poorly Robinson did with Florida Air only makes the waste of 40-50 pages even more insufferable.
Yes, some things Lorenzo or Shugrue did could have been done better, and I’ll give Robinson the benefit of the doubt that maybe some of his ideas or opinions would have made a positive difference. Generally speaking though, and hindsight being 20/20, regardless of what anyone at Eastern or Texas Air could have done the airline would likely have failed. The main culprit was deregulation of the airline industry in 1978. The airlines that survived either merged with complimentary airlines, or they were nimble low-cost carriers like Southwest or Jetblue. Poorly-managed airlines, or those over-leveraged (financially or with assets like too many different types of jets), likely didn’t make it. Along with Eastern, Pan Am would go bankrupt in 1991. TWA wasn’t too far behind, and airlines that couldn’t keep up like Continental or America West eventually got gobbled up by the big boys. And of course, there were sometimes things out of the airlines’ control, such as a recession or the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait (as in the case of Eastern) that can sink an airline.
Those are the basics of the airline industry over the past 50 years. But Robinson probably had all the answers for those problems too. He just didn’t have enough time to write about it while he was running a failing airline, or having the skeletons in his closet unveiled while running for office. There are far better books about the success and failures of airlines (try Thomas Petzinger’s “Hard Landing”), as this one is more of a Frontier or Spirit Airlines economy version of the industry.

There’s an old saying for the partying type: don’t mix your alcohol. Generally speaking, drinking beer and liquor in the same setting is a bad idea. Likewise for sampling a little bit of everything in the liquor cabinet at once. My reading habits are similar to this rule of alcohol consumption: read a sports book, then read a political or history (or political history) book. One is beer, one is liquor, keep the two apart from one another. I tend to follow this because the depression of a contemporary political book or the drabness of some history books needs a lift from the normally light sports book.
It’s a good practice, in practice. Yet if you knew me in college, you know I didn’t always follow that sage advice about consuming my different alcohols at the same time. So allow me a Rock House beer chug followed by a swig of Captain Morgan spiced rum here, as my latest read mixes sports with politics. Unlike my college keg conquests, this is one I didn’t regret the next day.
First, let’s get some important clarity out of the way. This story involves the Washington NFL team, now known as the Commanders, but for 87 years known as the Redskins. Given we’re talking about that time period of the team, I will refer to them as the Redskins or simply the “Skins” with no malice intended. Second, the title of this book is actually very misleading. John F. Kennedy had very little to do with the integration of the Washington Redskins, and in fact with a lot of the civil rights movement in the early 1960s as he chose not to upend his entire agenda by infuriating southern white citizens and their legislators by putting civil rights first on the to-do list. I’ll leave it up to you to do your homework on JFK and his reluctance to jump into race relations, but suffice to say it really wasn’t until the culmination of several egregious and tragic racist acts in 1963 that finally moved the nation (and the president) a little closer to addressing the issue. After JFK’s assassination in Dallas in 1963, new president Lyndon Johnson took the easy win, and bent enough elbows in congress to pass the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965.
While JFK was mostly hands off in this issue with the Redskins, he and his administration did encourage former Arizona representative and (then) current Secretary of the Interior Stewart Udall to force the issue. That issue was made easier when the opponent to integration was noted racist and antisemite George Preston Marshall. Marshall had made a family fortune with a chain of laundromats in the Northeast, and he invested that fortune in 1932 with the new Boston Braves of the NFL. The team would change its name to Redskins in 1933, and despite quickly building a championship caliber club, the city of Boston in 1930s Depression America kindly took a pass. Feeling slighted by the lack of support, Marshall moved the team to Washington D.C. where it promptly won the 1937 NFL championship.
The NFL was a very different league then compared to today, and it was surprisingly progressive at first as there were a handful of black players in the late 1920s and early 1930s. But as the league grew, national habits settled in and black players mysteriously were not invited to camps regardless of their talent level. Much like Major League Baseball, there was an unwritten rule that the sport was open only to white athletes. That would change in 1946, and as NFL teams with black players tended to play better and win more championships, waddya know teams were a little more open to integrating. A similar occurrence played out in baseball, and I am a big believer in Hank Aaron’s observation that one reason why the National League won way more All-Star games in the 1950s and early 1960s (and later started winning more World Series than the American League) was the proliferation of black players on NL clubs instead of the rival AL teams.
The league integrated, with the exception of the Redskins, who despite being a mostly terrible team throughout the 1950s bypassed black stars at the annual rookie draft such as Rosey Grier and John Henry Johnson for mostly mediocre white players. Part of this was Marshall’s business plan to capitalize on then being the southernmost NFL team. With a large radio network mostly in the south, having a lily-white team was appealing to southerners, and Marshall even changed the words of “Hail to the Redskins” from having the team “fight for old D.C.” to “fight for old Dixie”. In addition to blatant racism, Marshall was an overbearing owner who often overruled his coaches, sometimes appearing on the sidelines to call plays during a game. After finishing a woeful 1-12-1 in 1961 (in fact, not winning their first game until the last game of the season against the equally inept second-year Cowboys), the Skins had the first pick in the 1961 draft. This was when Udall saw his opportunity.
Pressure had been building in the black press as well as from long-suffering fans for the team to sign black players for years, but the 1962 season would be the first for the team in the brand new state-of-the-art DC Stadium (later rechristened RFK stadium following Robert Kennedy’s assassination in 1968). Marshall was expecting a windfall of new revenue in the larger and cleaner suburban stadium that was an upgrade from the aging Griffith Stadium on the outskirts of the Howard Univerity campus. But DC Stadium was built on public land, thus owned by the district which was managed by the federal government. Udall, backed by the Kennedy administration, challenged Marshall’s ability to play in the stadium with a segregated team. If Marshall didn’t sign black players, Udall and the federal government would terminate the stadium’s lease with the team. Obviously Marshall didn’t take this well, but over the course of time he saw the writing on the wall and eventually drafted Ernie Marshall out of Syracuse before trading him to Cleveland for Bobby Mitchell and Leroy Jackson in an attempt to win now and not later.
The Redskins were moderately better on the field over the next few seasons, and in a tragic twist the team won the trade outright when Marshall died from leukemia in 1963. All was not well for the Redskins though, as a series of strokes rendered Marshall unable to do much (not the least, be in the much-coveted public spotlight) for the final several years of his life. Call it poetic justice or karma, but this hell-on-Earth method of slow death does seem like just retribution for Marshall who always played the role of the victim in his younger years. Despite his claims of doing the “greater good” for black residents of the district by hiring many as Griffith Stadium ushers or by not segregating the Griffith Stadium seats during games, it was a real estate ultimatum that finally moved the needle.
While integration didn’t instantly make the Redskins a better team, they finally moved past their racist (to blacks) past and eventually built a contender. Doug Williams piloted the Redskins to their first Super Bowl championship in 1988, becoming the first black starting quarterback in the NFL to accomplish the feat, with the assistance of black superstars Darrell Green and Ricky Sanders to name a couple. In 2020, under intense public and corporate pressure again, the team dropped the Redskins name, finally erasing most every connection to Marshall in the team’s history.
Despite the inadvertent credit given to JFK, this is a great read on how the administration and in particular one government leader used legal means prior to the Civil Rights Act to force a stubborn white supremecist to get with the times. It’s a much-needed reminder that government can do good things through means that put the opposing side in a damned if you do/damned if you don’t situation. And it serves as a reminder that history really does treat the people on the wrong side of it rather harshly, even if that doesn’t placate one’s present-day desires.

I don't recall the exact topic of the article, but I recall reading a story in the Guardian UK in November or December that mentioned this book. It raised an eyebrow, and I went to my trusty Thriftbooks app and ordered a copy, not even looking for a deal but paying full price for a new book. That's how you know it was an important book! I got a reminder that it was a hot book when Thriftbooks actually refunded my purchase because somehow the last copy was sold between when I bought it and when the app tried to ship it. So I waited a few more days and grabbed the next copy.
Some books I read are "must reads" because I think they may be interesting or entertaining to a niche audience or to everyone as a whole. I don't grant that status to just any book, just like I don't just issue a 100% to my college students for a pretty good final project submission (just ask them, they know). So when I say you should go out and get a book, you know that's quite an endorsement.
Well, my friends in America and "the West", you need to go get this book. Buy this book. Check it out from the library. Share it with a friend or a family member.
If you're wondering why you need to get this book and get it and read it and think about it now, the short answer is it can help explain what is going on in this country today as well as other democracies around the world. Peter Turchin created a data model which he explains with plenty of depth and insight (I recommend jumping to the appendices after chapter 3, then returning to read chapter 4 as he suggests to get the whole scope of where his model comes from). Turchin uses data of the rise and fall of kingdoms, empires, and societies since the Roman empire. His analysis shares in a numeric way what I've said-- history doesn't repeat, but it has a fat backbeat. If you can't think of history as music, Turchin will make you see it as a series of waves-- repetitive yet consistent. With that in mind, it shouldn't surprise anyone that America is going through one of those waves-- the coming down from peak point of the wave is where we're at. And I regret to say we're probably not near the valley of the wave at this point in time.
Turchin diligently describes how America is at the end of an average historical cycle, a pendulum that always swings from prosperity and actions that benefit the greater good of a society, to the bottom falling out as those with wealth and power try to lord both over the common people. The last time this happened in America, was from 1830-1860, as the aristocracy of the southern states was challenged and then defeated by the aristocracy and industrial strength of the northern states (who needed southern state agriculture to build such aristocracy and strength). Perhaps you know that endgame as the U.S. Civil War. The pendulum eventually swung back in the 1930s, after the disastrous Great Depression, where the rich and powerful were undone by closing banks, sky-high tariffs, and a working class that was sick and tired of being abused. For the next 40 years, there was an unwritten agreement between the (white) working class, business owners, and the federal government, to create safety nets that lifted everyone (New Deal agencies followed by Great Society agencies). But then in the 1970s, the pendulum started going the other way.
Turchin argues that what America is dealing with today isn't solely because of the actions of Donald Trump, or Ronald Reagan, or even politicians in general (although all three are partially to blame). What has continually raised up nations and later brought them down-- elites, counter-elites, and the working class-- have been working against each other over the past 50 years. Real wages are flat, the next generation is not better off than the previous one, and the rich get insanely richer. The question is, does a major disruptive event like The Great Depression shake everything to its core, and return people to their senses to help lift all the boats in the harbor? Or is the major disruptive event more akin to the Civil War, which in the 2020s would be far bloodier and perhaps less binding than the results from 1861-65?
Turchin won't predict exactly what happens-- he is after all a data analyst and not a soothsayer. But he does mention more than a few times in the book that he predicted (with data and his model) that America was heading for a rough patch in the 2020s, and he did so in 2010. Turchin does occasionally sprinkle in a little bit of Nate Silver smugness about his models vs. others, but you can't really argue with what he has discovered with historical cycles and how they compare to events in America over the past 200 years. You can argue some of the same strains are being seen in Canada, which up until recently seemed to be destined to elect a metric version of Trump as its new prime minister. You can argue the same is happening in the UK, in the aftermath of Brexit, as the UK tries to stay relevant in the post-EU world. And with the Afd winning 20% of the vote in Germany, it's hard not to see the same thing happening there. There are plenty of contemporary examples, and it's hard not to see this explanation fitting most or all of them.
The only thing that is certain is the uncertainty. At the very least, this book gives you a new perspective on how we got here, and some potential outcomes. Some are good, many are bad. The big mystery is how bad it will get, how long it will last, and sadly how much blood will be spilled in the meantime.
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You may have never have heard the name Eddie Waitkus, but there's a good chance you've heard of Roy Hobbs. Hobbs is the protagonist of Bernard Malamud's 1952 book The Natural. The book became a movie in 1984 with Robert Redford playing the star role, and both the book and film are considered baseball classics. A plot device in The Natural is Hobbs getting shot by a deranged fan, Harriet Bird. That plot device was very likely pulled from an actual event in 1949, as Waitkus was shot by a schizophrenic obsessed fan, Ruth Ann Steinhagen. While Waitkus' brush with death was a key part in the story of Roy Hobbs, from there the similarities end. Thankfully this book dives into the tragic life of Waitkus to give a much-needed backstory to a human being who for the most part has been relegated to a footnote status in both the book and film.
There's no doubt Waitkus' life was affected by the encounter with Steinhagen, but author John Theodore does an excellent job in sharing the other details including Witkus' traumatic three years of service in World War II, featuring an interview with one of Waitkus' foxhole buddies who also witnessed the horrors of war. In addition to wartime PTSD and the PTSD of the attempted murder, Waitkus had to fight the usual "average player" battles to stay relevant in Major League Baseball. Pushed out of Wrigley Field by a "change is good" GM and owner, Waitkus was integral in the 1950 "Whiz Kids" Phillies pennant team before a falling out with his manager. Constantly relegated to a backup role, Waitkus bounced around to Baltimore and then back to Philly before getting cut in 1955 at the age of 36.
All of this drama made an already introverted Waikus even more introverted, and he brought the stress level down by constantly smoking cigarettes and drinking at the hotel bar. Increasing alcoholism and isolation eventually ended Waitkus' marriage and further strained his relationship with his kids. Drifting throughout much of the 1960s, Waitkus was thrown a lifeline by Ted Williams who hired him as a hitting coach at a Ted Williams youth baseball camp. Waitkus found his feet and his calling, before his life ended too soon due to cancer in 1972.
Theodore not only covers the quick rise and numerous falls of Waitkus, but he also tracks down the sotry of Steinhagen who after being institutionalized briefly lived a mostly quiet life with her family in northern Chicago before passing away in 2012. Preferring not to relive the details of the shooting any more than he already was, Waitkus decided to not press charges.
This is a great book not only for baseball fans, but for fans of American cinematic or literary classics, as the story brings a lot of context to a real "Natural".

I have long been a proponent of reading and studying history, not only because it interests me, but also because you can learn so much about today and have a window into tomorrow by looking at the past. One of my favorite sayings is, "History doesn't repeat, but it does have a fat backbeat". I've found that to be true more often than not. My recent Thriftbooks purchases, which I'll be reading and reviewing over the next several months, have been heavily focused on the run-up to the U.S. Civil War, the end of Reconstruction, and the demise of democratic societal norms in a battle of elites and non-elites.
I'm sure it's all a coincidence given current events.
But to be honest I bought this book in September or October, and I had my eye on it for a while as I learned about it when author and NPR Morning Edition host Steve Inskeep was promoting a more recent book Imperfect Union (which I will also be reading and reviewing soon). I figured now was a good time to read this, as Andrew Jackson was arguably the first populist president who still has his fans and followers two centuries after he was in office.
So what does Andrew Jackson have to do with American politics today? Consider:
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He was a man who was easily the first political leader to not come from politics. While he shares a similar background as George Washington in earning much of his fame from the battlefield, Jackson was not an "originalist" politician like the previous presidents were. He was very much the first "outsider" to become a president.
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He was filled with vengeance from a closely contested presidential election, as he felt (and it could be argued he was correct in thinking) that the 1824 electoral win for John Quincy Adams was stolen by a contingency election engineered by his rival Henry Clay. He rode that "stolen" election claim to victory in 1828 and re-election in 1832.
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He was a grifter, as Inskeep points out he deftly managed to take control of former indigenous land near Muscle Shoals, Alabama, and sold it to land speculators who were helping the country grow out to the west.
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He hated government infrastructure, most notably the central federal bank. If there was the alphabet soup of federal programs in the 1820s like there is today, he would very likely try to break them up.
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He forcibly removed people seen as "foreigners", the native Americans (referred to as "Indians" in the book) who many Americans felt were just as problematic as Black slaves. These people were hardly seen as people, and the population generally felt that the Indians were not equals and thus needed to be swept away elsewhere.
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He defied the law, including the rather infamous alleged declaration that the Supreme Court made a decision, so the court would have to enforce it.
Sound familiar?
Inskeep does a great job documenting not only Jackson's moves, but also the parallel moves of John Ross, the chief of the Cherokee Nation at the time of Jackson's presidency. At the heart of the two men's battles, was land. The white Americans needed more of it, as the nation's Manifest Destiny demanded westward expansion. The Cherokees, settled in much of northern Georgia and the Carolinas in the Appalachian mountains, were looking to keep the land they had cultivated while not getting swept up in the forced westward movement of other tribes during the prevalent Indian Removal acts of the time. Ross had the best of intentions, but often made tactical errors that played into Jackson's (and the nation's as a whole) hands, ultimately leading to the botched Trail of Tears from Appalachia to land west of the Mississippi River. After following both Jackson's and Ross' paths, Inskeep concludes the book with a note that the Indians are still very much here despite Jackson's cruelty and efforts. The natives are very much still here, but so are other telltale signs of what was happening 200 years ago that haven't totally vanished from the environment.
The best example is the recent musing of whether someone in the government can and should defy a federal court order. The comparison to Jackson reportedly saying the Supreme Court could go enforce their ruling dates back to an 1832 case (Worcester vs. Georgia) where the state imprisoned white missionaries who were influential with the Cherokees for occupying Cherokee land. It's not that the rogue crew of "guardsmen" cared about protecting Cherokee land, but rather that the land remain "owned" by the Cherokess until the federal government eventually forced them out, leaving the cultivated land for white squatters to move in on. The case was brought to the U.S. Supreme Court after Chief Justice John Marshall personally reached out to the defense's lawyer (sound familiar?) with guidance on how to bring a case to the court for a ruling. Marshall ruled that only the federal government, not an individual state, could negotiate or enforce land agreements with tribes.
Inskeep notes that there is no record of Jackson actually saying the exact words many people today are connecting him to, although there is plenty of evidence Jackson said similar thoughts to other people while clearly feeling the Court could go enforce its ruling if it so desired. Jackson was busy winning re-election in 1832, and by January 1833 he and the state of Georgia slow-walked the verdict long enough to where the newly-elected governor of Georgia released the missionaries without Jackson or the state needing to take any action to enforce or deny the ruling. As much as Jackson despised any oversight of the executive branch, even he knew that defying the ruling would be cataclysmic for the nation. He was also nuanced enough to pick his fights, as this brush-up in Georgia would pale in comparison to the nullification attempts ongoing in neighboring South Carolina. And there's the little detail that imprisoning innocent American citizens who may be blocking a lucrative land grab while removing the previous inhabitants was just incredibly cruel and clearly unconstitutional.
As history would play out, true Indian autonomy would get wiped out in the late 19th century. While there have been many reparations and reservations since then, due to a flood of recent executive orders the short-term fate of Indian citizenship in the states is once again in the air. The cruelty is the point, as is the hope to grab more land and to flex more power whether it is deserved or not. It happened nearly 200 years ago, and it continues to happen today, even though we'd like to close our eyes and wish it isn't happening here.
Do you hear that backbeat? It's the same as it ever was. Same as it ever was. Same as it ever was.
This is a great read for those trying to get a read on where we were, where we are, and well... how did we get here?

A nice find on Thriftbooks as this is a nice collection of stories from one of the best baseball broadcasters of all time. Even though I was a fan of the Blue Jays, a division rival of the Tigers, I always enjoyed hearing the barritone voice of Ernie Harwell. This book was published in 1985, capitalizing on the Tigers' championship 1984 season, and well before the Tigers screwed Harwell into a season of exile with the Angels before returning to the corner of Michigan & Trumbull for the remainder of his Hall of Fame career.
Harwell recounts his start in broadcasting with the Atlanta Crackers in the early 1940s, and how he got a big break in New York City just a few years later. I enjoyed his stories about his first few years as a radio voice of the Dodgers and Giants, including his anticlimactic turn on TV during Bobby Thompson's "Shot Heard 'Round the World" in 1951. He also shares his legendary story where he was traded (as a broadcaster) for a minor league catcher, and his years in Baltimore which I'd venture to guess a lot of people didn't know he did. He also gives his side of the controversial Jose Feliciano national anthem incident in 1968.
Some details of stories get repeated, which either makes Harwell sound like an old man, or in need of a better editor. Regardless, as you read these stories you can almost hear Harwell narrating them which makes them even better. A good pick-up for any baseball fan, but certainly for any long-suffering Tigers fan.

This was one of many finds for me at a book sale about a year ago at one of my nearby libraries (Maricopa County Public Library System). This is an interesting arrangement of stories as it eschews the typical chronological recounting of one of the nation's most celebrated Civil War generals. Instead it breaks up Sherman's story into three parts: the general lifeline, his relationship with his soldiers, and his relationship with his family. While this makes the book a little bit of a different type of reading adventure, it unfortunately means some storylines are rehashed in the second or third chapter which makes you wonder why you're reading it again.
That said, the storyline is interesting because we all know of the Sherman who marched to the Atlantic (via Atlanta) to deliver a crushing blow to the Confederates in 1864. What you may not know is Sherman was practically orphaned at the age of 9, then taken in by the influential senator and Whig politician Thomas Ewing. This new paternal relationship opened doors for Sherman, yet he failed at pretty much every opportunity. He was a terrible cadet at West Point who never saw combat in Mexico or elsewhere. Then he became a failed banker in San Francisco and New York, although that was mostly the fault of ill-timed bank panics.
When Southern states were seceding, Sherman tried to ignore the issue while also signing up to be part of the Union Army. Abraham Lincoln took a liking to him, even though Sherman had a low opinion of the volunteer troops or the upcoming battles he was trying to ignore. Once in the field, his troops were slaughtered in multiple surprise attacks at Shiloh, pushing him to the brink of a nervous breakdown. Yet his lack of "traditional" warfare experience in Mexico helped him during the Civil War as technology and tactics changed. He got a major lift with the siege at Vicksburg, then the march to the sea started which then elevated him to celebrity status (and in some cases higher than fellow general Ulysses Grant). Unlike Grant, Sherman stayed out of politics, and remained in the Army where he lead the country's brutal attack on Native Americans through the 1880s. In the end, there's a mixed bag of success after repeated failures early in life, and an ignominious stance on natives that obliterated that population. He also wasn't a huge fan of the plight of Black people, and may or may not have been party to some attrocities during the march to the sea.
Despite the odd layout of the storytelling, it's a compelling story to read that will definitely shed some more light on the person behind the legend you've heard about in history class. Highly recommend for history nerds.



